CHINA'S SOUTH CHINA SEA CLAIMS ARE NOT SUPPORTED BY ITS OWN
HISTORICAL RECORDS
SCMP- CHINA
Is China starting down a path similar to that followed by
Japan and Germany before 1945, when nationalism backed by new economic clout
led to overconfidence and adventures which eventually proved disastrous?
The question needs asking in the context of China's latest
moves ultimately aimed at making the South China Sea into a Chinese lake.
Beijing has been railing against a US over flight of a China-controlled islet
being expanded with a massive dredging operation.
Mainland-based academics have rushed to condemn this
"dangerous provocation". Yet the brutal fact is that no international
body or significant state recognizes China's claim that the sea and its islets
and shoals are its territory; least of all neighboring states.
The artificial expansion of the islets may be more for show
than to provide any significant strategic advantage. They may even prove
impermanent, should they be hit by monster typhoons. But they are part of a
pattern which in 2013 saw Chinese vessels occupy the Scarborough Shoal and
drive out Philippine fishermen. The shoal lies well within the Philippines'
exclusive economic zone and had long been fished by boats from nearby Luzon.
The seizure was an act of imperialism.
The US, like any other country, has a right to overfly
territory which is not officially acknowledged as part of this or that nation.
The same applies to features occupied by Vietnam, the Philippines and Malaysia.
China's claim that its reclamations are to improve security are viewed with
derision by its neighbors. But those people do not count. They do not exist in
the version of history by which Beijing claims the whole sea, stretching to the
coast of Borneo, as defined by its nine-dash line, on the basis that the
Chinese had always been in command of the sea.
Given that Hong Kong last week celebrated the Buddha's
birthday, it is worth recalling the relevance of China's experience with
Buddhism to the question of the sea. Far from showing Chinese maritime command,
China's own records show clearly that long before Chinese vessels first became
active - during the Song dynasty - shipping between China and the Strait of
Malacca, and even to southern India, was the preserve of mariners from Sumatra,
Java, Borneo and south and central Vietnam, with Tamils and Arabs later
becoming major players.
The leading centre of Buddhism in Southeast Asia was the
Srivijayan capital, Palembang, in Sumatra, to which Chinese Buddhist monks travelled
on Srivijayan ships to study, sometimes proceeding from there to Sri Lanka or
India.
A 7th-century Chinese monk wrote of it: "There are more
than 1,000 Buddhist monks whose spirit is turned only to study and good
actions. They study all possible subjects like in India." A Chinese
wanting to study in India needed to go there "to learn how to behave
properly".
Chinese texts from as early as the 3rd century refer in
detail to ships from Sumatra more than 50 meters in length and able to carry
600 people plus cargo. By the 6th century, trade between Srivijaya and ports
around the South China Sea was very regular, with the journey to Canton usually
taking 30 to 40 days. Other links included routes from Butuan in northeastern
Mindanao to the Cham ports, such as Nha Trang. Javanese traders had a
settlement near Manila in the 9th century, long before Chinese settled there.
The single largest driver of trade was Chinese demand for
and supply of luxury goods, buying aromatics, ivory, spices and tropical forest
products and selling silk and porcelain and other goods. For a thousand years,
the traders were primarily the people of island and coastal Southeast Asia -
the Austronesia’s whose seamanship enabled them to colonize the island world
from the eastern Pacific to Madagascar. It was also an era where India was the
main outside cultural influence on the region, spreading Buddhism, Hinduism,
writing systems and kingship ideas.
Yes, this was a long time ago, but Chinese claims today are
best refuted by China's own written records, be they of Buddhist monks or in
dynastic annals reporting trade missions and accounts of travelers to the
southern lands. Chinese documents are the single most important source for the
early history of maritime Southeast Asia and conform to evidence in more
fragmentary Tamil, Javanese, Malay and Arab records.
Even though Chinese merchants and settlers in the region's
ports came to play a major role in commerce, they always shared these roles,
whether with the Arabs, the Muslim sultanates and later the Europeans. China
only twice briefly attempted to use force to impose its will on the maritime
region, during the Mongol period when an invasion of Java failed, and briefly
during the Zheng He voyages of the early Ming.
Communist party governments everywhere, not just in China,
are notorious for rewriting history. But if Beijing wants to know why it feels
surrounded by enemies, it should ask itself the reason: riding roughshod over
the interests and identities of its neighbors, raising issues of "unequal
treaty" borders and engaging in colonialism in Xinjiang and Tibet, by
fostering Han settlement to undermine the ethnic identity of those
once-independent nations.
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